Following the fear of retribution over the killing of Aseyin’s son, the Komu settlers embarked on a search for a new homeland in 1900. After consulting Orunmila, hunters and warriors were dispatched to find a suitable location. They encountered a mysterious woman named Otu at a riverbank, who granted them permission to establish a town in that area but warned them against allowing any other settlers to encroach on their land. The encounter was verified by the Ifa oracle, confirming the woman’s identity and the legitimacy of their settlement. Meanwhile, division arose among the Ibise people on whether to join the Ilesan settlers or return to Komu. Ultimately, the majority of Ibise people led by Folarin lyanda Olokojobi decided to return to Komu, while Jagun Laduku Aladeogo collaborated with the Ilesan people to settle a group of immigrants from Jenna at the base of the river Otu for security against possible invasions. Jagun Alade ogo led the settlers to the present site in 1899, following the guidance of Ayilola. Upon arrival at Otu, they commenced nation-building activities, including weeding and constructing huts. Tragedy struck when a viper bit Oriyomi, son of Eewumi, fulfilling an Ifa prophecy predicting the foundation of Otu would be on his blood. Despite the distress, Eewumi urged the people to continue, acknowledging the prophecy. The settlement progressed as the people acclimated, with Ayilola prohibiting pig husbandry to honor the spirit of Olofin, marking a significant cultural practice in Otu that persists to this day, established in 1900.
The period of Baale Fagbayi marked a significant era of development and cultural clashes in Otu. The introduction of Christianity in 1919 and missionary activities in 1920 led to tensions between Christian converts and traditional Sango adherents. Violent clashes and mysterious deaths ensued, prompting intervention from Fagbayi, the Judge of the customary court. The case was eventually referred to the District Officer’s office in Oke-Oyinbo, leading to warnings against barbaric acts. Under Fagbayi’s reign, modern artisans and educational institutions like the Baptist Day primary school and Madrasa were established. Government initiatives, including borehole wells, improved infrastructure in the town. Fagbayi’s legacy was recognized through his contributions to civilization and governance in Otu, culminating in the installation of the first Onibise of Ibise Otu.
The installation of the first Onibise of Ibise Otu, Oladigbolu, symbolized the decentralization of power and integration of Ibise quarters into the community. The appointment aimed to manage Ibise affairs and uphold cultural practices, such as prohibiting pig rearing due to the Olofin deity’s influence.
Additionally, the installation of the first Onisia of Iwoye, Pa Oyetoro Ashamu, exemplified Fagbayi’s commitment to rewarding loyalty and competence. The Onisia played a crucial role in native court proceedings and decision dissemination, reinforcing the authority of the Baale of Otu.
The reign of Onisia Oyeku Alade ended with the installation of Pa Aruwa Yusuf Olaoye as the 3rd Onisia of Iwoye Otu in 1962, a tradition maintained by notifying the Alaafin before such appointments. Serving for 45 years until his passing at 98, his legacy paved the way for Isiaka Oyelekan Ayantunde Olaluwoye’s installment as the 4th Onisia in 2009. Baale Fagbayi expanded the kingmakers by appointing more chiefs, including Ige Akinyemi as the first Ikolaba and establishing the Bashorun chieftaincy after an unexpected comparison to the Aseyin’s Bashorun. During Baale Okanlawon’s time, sanitation practices were introduced, led by Onibise Oyero, emphasizing cleanliness and disease prevention in Otu. Additionally, the arrival of the “Congo soldiers” in 1943 marked significant infrastructure development, including building bridges in the area.
A FLOURISHING OTU
The development and civilization initiatives in Otu led to an economic boom, significantly impacting the town’s prosperity. Prices of commodities, such as cockerels, saw significant increases, reflecting improved living standards. In 1948, the Nigerian Tobacco Company (NTC) brought job opportunities to Otu, particularly benefiting women engaged in sorting tobacco leaves and men working as farmers. This shift from squalor to affluence elevated the community’s standard of living, allowing for increased financial stability and investments in education. The influx of resources also saw modernization in housing structures, with citizens embracing corrugated iron roofing sheets and modern amenities like bicycles and motorcycles. Additionally, the arrival of the religious group “Isense” from Dahomey played a role in exorcising women allegedly possessed by witchcraft spirits, reflecting a blend of cultural practices and religious interventions. The Baptist missionary activities further transformed Otu, epitomized by the establishment of the Baptist Secondary Modern School in 1960, attracting a diverse population and contributing to the town’s growth. Under the leadership of Baale Awolola, essential infrastructure developments, such as a postal agency and connection to the national power grid, highlighted progress and modernization. The transformation culminated in the upgrade of the Baptist Modern School to a Secondary Grammar School in 1976, showcasing the community’s commitment to education. Baale Awolola’s tenure, coinciding with Nigeria’s independence era, emphasized community mobilization for social amenities like the town hall. His passing in 1980 marked a period of interregnum before the next leadership transition, reflecting a pivotal chapter in Otu’s history marked by growth, modernization, and community development.
PRESCRIBED AUTHORITY OF ONIRO OF OTU
The Oba of Otu (Oniro) holds the prescribed authority to appoint chiefs within his domain, as outlined in Western Nigeria Gazette in 1959, and affirmed by an Oyo state Gazette in 1979. The Oniro of Otu is recognized as the prescribed authority for all minor chieftaincies associated with Otu, including the Onibise and Onisia. A 1978 amendment under General David Jemibewon’s reign further solidified the recognition of the Oniro of Otu as the only recognized chief in the town. The recent Constitution of the Zonal Traditional Council by the Oyo state government elevated the Oniro to the status of a first-class traditional ruler, while designating the Onibise, Onisia, Jagun, Sobaloju, Ikolaba, and Agoro as third-class Chiefs, aiming to settle controversies surrounding traditional authority in the region.
Apart from the aforementioned, there are documents and precedents affirming the prescribed authority of the Oniro of Otu.
1. It was Oniro Okanlawon that signed, on behalf of the Chiefs and People of Otu, the Deed of Native Land Acquisition Ordinance, that leased the parcel of land (approximately 32.29 acres) to Nigeria Tobacco Company (NTC) for 99 years starting from 27th October, 1950.
2. The payroll for Obas and Chiefs within the Province placed Oniro of Otu as 3rd highest paid after Aseyin of Iseyin and the Bashorun of Iseyin.
3. The Oniro of Otu was the one that handled and resolved the land dispute with Onitede of Tede, by virtue of the prescribed authority that he weilded.
4. Throughout the existence of local Customary Court, the Oniro of Otu presided and held sway as the prescribed authority.
APPELLATIONS OF OTU
OTU AYINLE AGO: AGO OMO OLUASO
The appellation “Otu Ayinle Ago” holds historical significance, shrouded in misconceptions. The term “Ago” is often misunderstood to mean foolishness, when in reality, it refers to a specialized cloth worn by the elite in Otu. This cloth was intricately woven and dyed by Otu women, showcasing their expertise in the textile trade. With the arrival of Komu immigrants in the early 19th century, cotton farming became prevalent, further fueling the demand for the specialized cloth. The amalgamation of Nigeria’s protectorates in 1914 by Lord Lugard ushered in European presence in Otu and the Oke-Ogun region, boosting the cotton trade. Germans took over the cotton trade in 1928, leading to an increase in cotton cultivation and the production of the Ago cloth.
The discovery of the indigo tree for making Elu, used in tie-and-dye techniques, revolutionized the monetary system in Otu. The exchange of Elu for currency facilitated trade and cemented Otu’s reputation as a hub for the Ago cloth. Buyers from neighboring countries like Dahomey, Togo, Ghana, and Benin Republic flocked to Otu for the coveted cloth. Otu earned the moniker “Otu Ayinle Ago,” signifying its abundance of Ago clothes, which became a symbol of wealth and status. Traditional masquerades in Otu, such as Osaasu, Okonko, and Okomakee, adorned themselves with the Ago cloth, adding to the town’s cultural heritage.
The Ago cloth, synonymous with Otu’s craftsmanship, held symbolic importance as a marker of distinction for the affluent. The length and beauty of the cloth distinguished it as attire for the elite, reinforcing their special status in society. The phrase “Oda aran bori, o dago bora dabora dabora dabo lepepe” echoed praises of the skilled weavers in Otu, celebrating their unique vocation. As Otu Ayinle Ago, the town celebrated its heritage and identity rooted in the intricate art of creating the specialized cloth.
OTU OLOMUKAN
The term “Otu Olomukan,” has been erroneously interpreted to suggest that females from Otu possess a single breast, unlike typical females. In actuality, “Olomukan” signifies the shared ancestry and common origin of people from Otu, emphasizing that they are all nurtured from the same source referred to as “omukan.” This abstract highlights the misinterpretation of cultural terms and aims to clarify the true meaning behind “Otu Olomukan” as a symbol of communal ties and shared heritage in the town of Otu.